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AMERICA’S ‘BLACK RECONNAISSANCE’
AGAINST A ‘GLOBAL INSURGENCY’: US Imperialist Aggression in the early 21st Century Rasti Delizo (27 November 2010) The world has already entered the second decade of the 21st Century and yet remains under the imperialist hegemony of a still militarily aggressive United States of America. We all know that imperialism brings wars to the world especially in the countries on the periphery of the imperialist center.And by tomorrow and the next few days afterward, the world may yet be thrown into another imperialist war of aggression in the Korean Peninsula. This is because the USS George Washington has been ordered by President Obama to provoke North Korea with its dangerously insensitive, arrogant and unnecessary joint military exercise involving US and South Korean forces just below the 38th Parallel which divides Seoul and Pyongyang. And the North Koreans have already promised to retaliate should the imperialist war games start by tomorrow. With the continuing dominance of Washington over global affairs, the world’s top imperialist power has only clearly revealed its true state-terrorist character after 9/11. As America launched a wave of ‘white’ or overt military actions around the world, especially its invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, it has also forcefully pursued a series of covert operations against its perceived enemies in all the regions of the globe. The latter imperialist pursuit is what some US foreign policy planners call ‘black reconnaissance’ actions against a ‘global insurgency’. In other words, America views the entire world as one vast battlefield. To be sure about it, over the last century and throughout the past decade, especially post-9/11, US imperialism and its strategic global agenda for world domination has certainly not been unchallenged on a global scale from a broad range of anti-imperialist resistance forces across the spectrum. These include state, non-state and cross-state regional forces, particularly the international socialist movement struggling for the revolutionary emancipation of the world’s working-class masses through the total destruction of imperialist capitalism and the establishment of a truly egalitarian and democratic society on a worldwide-scale.As the international socialist movement nears the eve of the centennial of the Great October Revolution of Russia in 1917, and given today’s clear and dangerously explosive international situation, we must all once again remind ourselves and the rest of the exploited and oppressed masses of some fundamentally true theoretical assertions of scientific socialism as a guide for our future collective actions ahead. Both Karl Marx and Frederick Engels asserted in their 1848 Communist Manifesto: “The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.” And from the Bolshevik revolutionary leader V.I. Lenin, who substantially and sharply defined the concept of imperialism in his 1916 pamphlet entitled, ‘Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism’, he likewise asserted among other points that: “The development of capitalism led to the formation of giant monopolies. The national borders are too narrow for the growth of these industries, and they are compelled to constantly acquire new markets, new sources of raw material, and new outlets for investment outside the ‘home’ nation. Once the world was already carved up among the world powers, they are forever pushed by market competition toward rearranging who owns what, and have no other way to settle who gets what except by force. Thus, the era of imperialism is one of constant economic competition between states that breaks out again and again into open military competition.” Guided by his notion of “combined and uneven development” under capitalism, Lenin correctly envisaged that the imperialist era would be one of inter-imperialist contention and war, including world wars. He was also largely proven correct in viewing the imperialist era to be a period of important social revolution, even if there are some relatively peaceful interludes in between such revolutions. Even more so, after almost a century later, both the steady formation of international capitalist monopolies which share the world among themselves and the territorial division of the whole planet among the greatest capitalist powers on earth, such as those countries of the G8-G20 global axis of capitalist terror, only provides the further material basis for Lenin’s conception and warnings on imperialism. AFTER THE COLD WAR AND BEYOND 9/11 So what drives US imperialist aggression today? Basically I can think of at least one-hundred-fifty reasons and counting. Why? Because this number generally corresponds to the roughly one-hundred-fifty plus peripheral countries that are economically dependent and politically dictated upon by the imperialist core group of capitalist states within the G8-G20 global axis of capitalist terror, which is centrally led by the US and its junior imperialist-regional partners. These capitalist regional field marshals primarily include the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Canada, and the European Union. Certainly from a historical-materialist framework of analysis, the post-Cold War period in international affairs shifted the world system away from a more politically-oriented East-West bipolarity into a relatively more economic-oriented North-South global divide. Hence, the reordering of the world system, post-1991 until 9/11, only ensured the greater dominance of the US imperialist state as the world’s leading super-power (economically, politically, militarily, culturally, and technologically). It was also during this same decade that US imperialism and its former Western capitalist allies redesigned and imposed upon the emergent international economic system a more neoliberal global order. This new international regime was based upon totally unfettered free-trade principles and rules, especially the push for even greater liberalization, privatization, deregulation and labor-contractualization policies and laws in the peripheral countries. The central aim of the imperialists was to firmly integrate the poor market economies into the neoliberal global economic regime and to widely pry their economies apart for even greater extraction of their raw materials, dumping of cheaper consumer commodities and excess financial capital, and to finally get their governments to align their states behind the imperialist camp. Inevitably, all of this was to create social-economic havoc throughout the dependent economies of the global South which sparked intermittent internal conflicts within many poor countries of the world. Understandably, this situation remains even more problematic today. Immediately after the 9/11 attacks in the US, the Bush-led imperialist regime unleashed its bloody and devastating assaults across the world all in the name of America’s so-called ‘global war on terror’. However, I must point out here that we must accurately and correctly call this a ‘global war of terror’ instead, and that is mainly because US imperialism is only terrorizing the rest of the world’s masses into obeying Washington’s global agenda. Rather than stopping terrorism, the US is the one fomenting its own global terror in order to enforce its foreign policy agenda on the rest of the world. The US strategic agenda is primarily economic in order to further expand access to newer regional markets across the world. These markets are needed for the export of America’s financial capital and export commodities, and of course, to secure and ensure a near-permanent access to oil supplies, other potentially new energy sources and highly valuable raw materials. All these requirements are much needed to sustain America’s economic-military-scientific technological-machine far and deep into the new century. Hence, the American capitalist project will always want to first and foremost ensure the protection and advancement of all its economic, political, social-cultural, scientific, and military interests as the world’s leading imperialist capitalist state. Likewise, all of America’s past, present and future political leaderships, in direct collaboration with its Wall Street financial oligarchic elite, have and will always stand united as one federal-corporatist conglomeration to defend and strengthen US imperialism regardless of criticisms from abroad. Thus, oil and other potential energy sources, free-market access, military-basing and military access-arrangements, and puppet governments are the necessary and vital components (preferably within one package) to which US imperialism constantly aspires for in the management of its external relations with the countries of the periphery. This is the bottom-line foreign policy agenda of Washington and to attain it, it is definitely always ready and prepared to openly use its armed apparatus anywhere in the world. And this why the US military’s forward force-projection capabilities are continuously being extended and developed throughout all the regions of the world even after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Yet even beyond the Cold War and 9/11, US imperialism remains steadily aggressive and militaristic in its genuine hatred for both the international socialist movement and the global Islamist movement for obvious reasons. To be sure, however, American imperialism always needs to have some type of a global enemy to attack in order to justify to its own people and society why it is so important for the US to remain engaged internationally, and for that matter, constantly interfering in the domestic affairs of the peripheral countries. But a more fundamental basis for America’s need for global enemies is rooted in the nature of it being an imperialist capitalist state. America’s so-called military-industrial-political-think tanks complex remains one of the country’s major political-economic bastions and its primary commodity is war material and war-mongering in order to sell deaths for profit. As one of the world’s top military-defense spenders, its huge network of defense-related corporations is also one of the US economy’s top super-profit earners which keep the American social-economic foundation intact and running. THE GLOBAL ORDER AFTER 9/15 The Marxist-assumption and long-expected internal contradictions inherent in the capitalist system once again caught the imperialist camp off-guard in its own capitalist heartland. The filing of bankruptcy by Lehman Brothers on September 15, 2008 triggered a subsequent collapse of Wall Street’s large financial institutions, the bailout of banks by national governments and downturns in stock markets around the world. This international shockwave has now become the 21st Century’s first global capitalist crisis and is considered by many economists to be the worst capitalist crisis since the Great Depression of 1929-1939 that helped set the world into a second and even bloodier inter-imperialist war from 1939-45. The new global capitalist crisis, which was mainly caused by a liquidity shortfall in the American banking system was further aggravated by a crisis of capitalist overproduction. This capitalist nightmare continues until today as manifested by the present Eurozone downturn in countries like Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Iceland and even France. In the same manner, the global markets are still reeling from the after-shocks of the presently evolving international currency war pitting many Asian currencies, especially China’s yuan, against the US dollar. This competitive devaluation is one of the major effects of the global capitalist crisis now in motion and is generally employed by states in order to achieve a relatively lower exchange rate to shore up their own domestic markets and industry. As such, it is very much comparable to the global political-security crisis caused by 9/11 which clearly marked a dangerous turning-point in contemporary world history. Likewise, the current international situation largely characterized by the global capitalist crisis, together with the global currency war it sparked off, can already be called a post-9/15 period to define the presently treacherous instability of the imperialist-ruled world system. Thus, 9/15 now forces US imperialism and its reactionary collaborators to urgently react to fix it, since it was their own capitalist policies that centrally produced this global contagion in the first place. And true enough, the world’s leading capitalists of the G8-G20 global axis of capitalist terror reacted accordingly as truly expected of their class character. In fact, just very recently, and over the past few months and weeks alone, the imperialists led by the US held a rapid series of international political and economic meetings to try to stabilize the internal bleeding of their preciously elitist international financial system. Their immediate natural response was to try to save the world capitalist system first before even thinking of how to bail out the world’s majority poor exploited and oppressed masses. In quick succession, US imperialism led by the Obama regime in Washington, either dominated or attempted to dominate the meetings of the United Nations General Assembly (and its Security Council) in New York in late September of this year in order to aggressively assert its own US foreign policy agenda. It continued with this same imperial arrogance and behavior in the successive meetings of the ASEM (Asia-Europe Meeting) in Brussels in early October, the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Summit in Hanoi in late October, at the Group of 20 (G20) Summit in Seoul in the second week of November, and still again during APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) Summit in Yokohama in mid-November. And only last week, at the 2010 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Summit in Lisbon, Obama publicly maintained that US and NATO troops will remain in combat in Afghanistan until 2014 and possibly beyond. This was in stark contrast to what the rest of NATO’s member-states publicly announced, and which was, to pull-out all NATO forces from Afghanistan by 2014. In fact, we all should ask aloud why NATO is fighting in Afghanistan since its expected area of operational responsibility should only cover the Atlantic theater of operations and not the West Asian area of operations. Unless of course we should rename NATO as the ‘New Afghanistan Troops Organization’ or even ‘New American Terrorist Organization’, but then again, either way, it was the US imperialists who ordered NATO troops into Afghanistan to help America secure further oil supplies from around the region, especially Iran. US IMPERIALISM’S CURRENTLY AGGRESSIVE THRUSTS After having briefly presented some key theoretical and historical elements explaining the true character and agenda of US imperialism, I would right now like to present to you the real situational context in relation to the presently aggressive thrusts of US foreign policy. Before I proceed, however, and if you may, I wish to start off with this general premise: “US imperialism urgently aims to strengthen itself as the world’s undisputed hegemonic power within the next decade. It shall try to do so by having a controlling dominance over the international economy, together with its oil and other strategic resources. It will do this through American-led and influenced political alliances while maintaining its own independent stance to secure its own self-interests. Toward this end, US imperialism will never hesitate to use both its white and black operational forces against any and all perceived global threats whenever necessary.” I shall now present the following points and inputs to further show and emphasize in concrete terms the currently aggressive course of US imperialism under the present international situation. I am citing these in order to support my general premise.
In concluding my presentation, I would now like to state that the abovementioned points can only validate the general premise about US imperialist aggression today. Therefore, we are left with no other choice but to intensify and escalate our collective and united revolutionary mass struggles against US imperialism all around the world until the proletarian masses break free from their shackles of capitalist exploitation and oppression in the countries of the imperialist periphery. Only Socialism can liberate us all and nothing less than the final destruction of imperialism can satisfy our movement’s revolutionary commitment and militancy! RD
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